Dr. Ikramul Haq
The burden of a centralised state—from One-Unit politics to military action in East Pakistan to curb Bengali nationalism—eventually led to the dismemberment of Pakistan in 1971, 24 years after independence. The ethno-linguistic nationalities in smaller provinces in what remains of Pakistan reel under the same burden, despite the passage of the Eighteenth Constitutional Amendment which guarantees provincial autonomy—Farah Zia, The Struggles, Victories and Debate on Human Rights in Pakistan, LSE, November 14, 2022
The tragic memories of fall of Dhaka (Dacca) on December 16, 1971, subject matter of large number of books and poetic expressions, are a loud reminder to thinkers and researchers to reinvestigate evolution of the State of Islamic Republic of Pakistan from the perspective of recolonization in contradistinction to decolonization in the wake of exist of British Raj. The militro-judicial-civil complex of Pakistan, since inception, has been reinforcing the colonial institutions, giving them invincible power to exploit national resources, control and subjugate the citizens of a so-called independent state.
The militro-judicial-civil complex successfully, rather shamelessly, eliminated the author of Myth of Independence through a judicial murder, a fact finally acknowledged via a constitutionally binding judgement of the highest court—the autonomy, supremacy and independence of which was recently ended by an elected (sic) Parliament, commanded and controlled by men in uniform. The government’s ministers openly and joyfully celebrated their “subjugation” under what they call “hybrid plus” arrangement.
When an elected prime minister, often accused of supporting dictators till 1971, challenged the imperialists and their cronies and resolved to continue with nuclear programme, was warned, “We will make a horrible example of you”—he was hanged! We know the rest is history. Another one presently incarcerated (once proud to be on one-page with his benefactors), many say is bound to face the fate of his two predecessors, father and daughter, after openly defying the power that matters in the Land of the Pure. His main fault is identical: committing the mistake of “defiance”, not budging to admit it, and refusing a “deal”.
The powerful, publicly expressed their wrath without mincing any words, in dubbing him as a “traitor”, “security threat” and “mentally ill”, charge sheet also includes open claim that “Sheikh Mujibbur Rahman is a hero”. This connects the episode with 16 December 1971. Not learning any lessons from this horrific national tragedy is well established. The issue, on the face of it, appears to be a clash of personalities and egos, but in reality, is of deeper malaise—absolute power corrupts absolutely.
However, the most crucial question remains largely uninvestigated or satisfactorily answered as to how the historic exploitative structures in Pakistan keep on perpetuating and becoming more powerful, notwithstanding long democratic struggle by pro-people organizations and individuals. The phenomenon like recolonization is complex, as is in Pakistani context it is not a mere question of institutional control but is also meant to capture national resources to ensure perpetuation of power—absolute and unquestionable.
Two recent books shed some light on the tragic events that the State of Pakistan suffered due to centrist mindset, lust for power, control, and denying fundamental rights to citizens. The first book, Bangladesh: Eyewitness to Separation by Burhanul Islam (former Ambassador to Chile and Brazil) exposes with convincing personal recollections and historic evidence the false claim that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman wanted a separate homeland for Bengalis. The following extracts are eyeopeners:
“All the above issues and discussions lead us to draw a conclusion that West Pakistani military and political leadership had started thinking that East Pakistan was no longer an asset, rather it became a burden. Therefore, it should be eased out of the Federation even though we achieved independence largely owning to the struggle and overwhelming votes of the Bengalis in 1937 onwards in favour of Muslim League…Sadly, the turn of events in the country after the independence was painful. The common people in West Pakistan are still baffled as to why the country was dismembered in such a painful manner with an embarrassing surrender of 93,000 forces before the Indian armed forces on 16 December 1971.”
The second book, How Constitutions Flourish or Fail by Mian Ashiq Hussain (a prominent lawyer and former civil servant), explores prospects of empowerment and liberation of people and this context emanates from long subjugation of masses globally and in our own beloved land. He has very aptly pointed out:
“Dynamic interaction between developing social phenomena and functioning state structure is a riveting study….Eventually empirical conclusions lighted up into the bigger picture of the link between the constitutional structures and their relative economic performance….The top priority of the independent nation should have been empowering and mobilizing its people for optimizing their best capacities and capabilities in the pursuit of securing their rightful place in the globally competitive world…So far, neither general federalism has been involved nor has parliamentary democracy taken roots in Pakistan… Laws are made by the executive through ordinances; legislators relish and flaunt executive jobs of ‘development projects’ rather than making laws compatible with the requirements of the age.”
We all know that tumultuous existence of over 78 years of our nationhood has witnessed many upheavals—a journey from crisis to crisis has at its core the untiring and relentless struggle for establishing a true people’s democratic polity. The way united opposition (sic) agitated alleged pre-and-post poll rigging in the aftermath of 2018 elections; later played the oft-repeated games of those who purportedly masterminded it. Their act of taking power against the will of voters in 2024 elections, testifies to the fact that inclination to evolve a national consensus for people’s rule is still a distant dream though we are moving towards our eighth decade of independence.
Liberation from colonial masters on August 14, 1947 to continuous subjugation in the hands of powerful classes—militro-judicial-civil complex, clergy, businessmen-turned-politicians and absentee landowners—is the persistent, real and painful dilemma for nearly 257 million citizens of Pakistan.
Failures on political, economic and social fronts during the decade of democracy (2008-2018) and then experiment of controlled democracy from August 18, 2018 onward (continuing till today attaining new heights under incumbent hybrid-plus regime) once again confirm lack of interest on the part of politicians to act collectively and resolutely to defeat the de facto power.
Despite all odds—indifference and apathy of political leadership, learned helplessness of masses and long military direct and indirect rules—the masses have showed resilience and unshakable faith in electoral process whenever they get a chance. They did it last time on February 8, 2024, by giving unequivocal verdict against the forces of control.
The open contempt of verdict of the voters and aspirations of the masses is concisely the sad story of Pakistan. It is aptly and scholarly narrated by Dr. Ishtiaq Ahmed, in his book, Pakistan: The Garrison State: Origins, Evolution, Consequences 1947-2011.
In the backdrop of dismemberment of Pakistan, expounded by Colonel Sadique Salik in Witness to Surrender, many have rightly pointed out e.g. A Stranger in My Own Country: East Pakistan, 1969—1971 by Major General (retd) Khadim Hussain Raja that we have in fact the greatest danger from inside and not outside:
Translation: Huzaima Bukhari
| برق زمانہ دور تھی لیکن مشعل خانہ دور نہ تھی
ہم تو ظہیرؔ اپنے ہی گھر کی آگ میں جل کر خاک ہوئے ظہیر کاشمیری |
Alien lightning was afar but not the torch within
We turned to ash with fire in our own home, Zaheer |
| مرا عزم اتنا بلند ہے کہ پرائے شعلوں کا ڈر نہیں
مجھے خوف آتش گل سے ہے یہ کہیں چمن کو جلا نہ دے بدایونی شکیل |
My resolve is astute that I fear not external flames
I fear the flare of the flower, lest it burns down the land |
| عداوتیں تھیں، تغافل تھا، رنجشیں تھیں بہت
بچھڑنے والے میں سب کچھ تھا، بے وفائی نہ تھی نصیر ترابی |
There was much animosity, neglect and complaints
The estranged had everything but no disloyalty
|
| کب نظر میں آئے گی بے داغ سبزے کی بہار
خون کے دھبے دھلیں گے کتنی برساتوں کے بعد فیض احمد فیض |
When will we again see a spring of unstained green?
After how many monsoons will the blood be washed off? |
To overcome the dilemma of centrist mindset capable of destroying us from within and avoid reoccurrence of more tragedies like fall of Dhaka, the powerful must heed to the following:
“It is, therefore, imperative that the stakeholders in the Pakistan power equation—especially the military—work out a long-term policy and strategy that can create stability, peace and prosperity within Pakistan as well as help normalize relations with its neighbours—provided they, too, nurture similar aspirations” [p. 470, Pakistan: The Garrison State: Origins, Evolution, Consequences 1947-2011].
No one would disagree with above. Work of Dr. Ishtiaq, Mian Ashiq, Burhan and many others hold hopes for Pakistan, provided the forces that matter come out of their self-assumed notions like “custodians of ideological fronts” and “fortress of Islam”.
It is high time that all the stakeholders should initiate a meaningful dialogue for converting Pakistan into a modern, democratic, self-reliant and egalitarian country that is the only road to salvation.
Our tragedy is that the de facto rulers and their cronies give a damn to the aspirations of people and have done nothing worthwhile for the uplift of have-nots and less-privileged. This lamentable attitude of the beneficiaries (exploiters will be a better word for them) of the predatory state amounts to a suicidal path. The sooner it is given up, the better it will be for the country and the nation of over 250 million people—the fifth largest populace of the world.
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Dr. Ikramul Haq, Advocate Supreme Court, Adjunct Faculty at Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS), member Advisory Board and Visiting Senior Fellow of Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE), holds LLD in tax laws. He was full-time journalist from 1979 to 1984 with Viewpoint and Dawn. He also served Civil Services of Pakistan from 1984 to 1996.